Monday, June 20, 2016

TRIGGER WARNING This article or section, or pages it links to, contains information about sexual assault and/or violence which may be triggering to survivors.

Presencing on (and Beyond) Our Turtle’s Back
In Memory of Hilary Bonnell (1983- 2009)

Josephine L. Savarese

Dr. Eve Tuck, currently an Associate Professor of Critical Race and Indigenous Studies at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education (OISE), University of Toronto, visited New Brunswick in 2014 and gave a talk on her decolonizing research.[1] Since meeting Eve Tuck, I have been thinking about her call for an end to “damage-centred” studies on Indigenous women. For Tuck, this fixation is part of the colonial violence faced by women. I wondered whether her challenge might be taken up in a variety of contexts, even in relation Indigenous women who have gone missing and have been found murdered.  A chapter I wrote in Forever Loved: Exposing the Hidden Crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in Canada (Demeter 2016) examines the homicide of New Brunswick teenager, Hilary Bonnell. While writing, I worked to find something beyond a story of only tragedy.[2]

Many readers will know that Hilary disappeared in September 2009 while walking on a road on the Esgenoôpetitj (Burnt Church) First Nation one early morning. She was sixteen and had spent the evening celebrating the end of summer with friends. After weeks of frantic searching, an adult relation, Curtis Bonnell, admitted to detaining Hilary against her will, sexually assaulting her, suffocating her on the lawn in the backyard of his home and disposing of her body.  Hilary’s remains were found deep in the woods of the Acadian Peninsula after Curtis revealed the location. Accompanied by an Elder and by members of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, Curtis led the team to the burial site.

In the face of the terrible, heartbreaking facts, the temptation to see only Hilary’s victimization is clear. Admittedly, it was a sad task to track Hilary’s agency while researching the case. It also seemed an important one given Tuck’s challenge to researchers who want to foster de-colonial aims. To learn more about Hilary’s life, I listened to her mother, Pam Fillier, share memories of happy moments with her beloved daughter with the Native Women’s Association of Canada.  In this moving passage, Pam described a day they spent together when Hilary was around eleven years old.  Pam stated that the pair “loved lilacs” because they were “so beautiful”. While driving in a large car, they spotted a lilac bush filled with blooms.  Pam continued “And we took them, as many as we could. We filled the whole back seat full of lilacs. We had lilacs in almost every room”. [3]

Dr. Sandrina de Finney might cite this poignant recollection of a mother and daughter collecting flowers to beautify their home as an example of what she terms “presencing”, after Leanne Simpson’s Dancing On Our Turtle's Back: Stories of Nishnaabeg Re-Creation, Resurgence, and a New Emergence.[4] de Finney uses this concept to help us understand indigenous girls’ ways of communicating to the world they are vital, valuable, alive and self-determining through seemingly ordinary gestures.[5] Their varied acts of presencing range from “avoiding, protecting, contesting, laughing, hoping” to “dreaming, connecting, documenting, imagining, challenging”.[6]  Because de Finney emphasizes the importance of situating “Indigenous girls’ everyday processes of resurgence and presencing” in the context of the “intersecting forms of traumatic violence that colonial states and societies produce”, her insights help contextualize Hilary Bonnell’s life and last moments.[7]

For me, Hilary Bonnell’s presencing strategies as a young Indigenous woman are also evident in the details that emerged during the prosecution of Curtis Bonnell. For example, the last time that Pam Fillier heard from her daughter was the night before her death.[8] Sandrina de Finney would likely see particular significance in the fact that Hilary called her mother at 3:00 AM to discuss their shopping trip scheduled for the next day. Witnesses confirmed that Hilary appeared happy about the plan. Fillier reported the conversation ended with both parties expressing love for the other. Fillier never heard from her only daughter again. That some of Hilary’s last known statements were expressions of love might, in de Finney’s view,  complicate settler narratives of Indigenous girls’ as existing in ‘ungrievable bodies’ (citing Butler 2009) which possess no “hope” or “capacity” as “victim bodies, disenfranchised bodies”. [9]

The evidence established that Hilary fought back against Curtis and attempted to resist his sexual violence. One way she did this was to call for support. Text messages Hilary sent to her first cousin and close friend, Haylie, over the course of the evening into the early morning started from a “party atmosphere theme” to her final messages that “demonstrated that she was afraid of something or someone”.[10] Hilary’s bids for assistance went unanswered because her cousin’s cell phone was dead.

From a presencing perspective, the text messages are important. They work against the characterization of Hilary’s state as one of absolute victimization. Even though Hilary’s extreme fear is obvious, she also had the strength and presence of mind to call for help. These moments show Hilary’s courageous efforts to counter the very real and terrifying violence she encountered using the limited means available, her resolve and her cell phone.

Hilary’s legacy of resistance has the potential to benefit future generations. In response to her death, her friends and family dreamed of building a youth centre they planned to name “Hilary’s House” on the Esgenoôpetitj (Burnt Church) First Nation. While they were not able to realize this goal, their efforts to remember Hilary are inspiring. This is particularly so in the broader context of Atlantic Indigenous resurgences. There are many examples including the formation of a Peace and Friendship Alliance, a coalition of Indigenous and non-indigenous supporters, in March 2015. The coalition is working towards environmental justice and sovereignty guided by Peace and Friendship treaties.

Forever Spirit Dancing

By highlighting presencing, de Finney works to counter “the pervasive image of indigenous girls as exploitable and dispensable”.[11] Joining her quest to highlight agency seemed especially important when conveying a story about a previously missing and found to be murdered young indigenous woman who loved many things, including lilacs.  It seems worth acknowledging that irrespective of the scale, Hilary’s actions were brave given the powerful forces she confronted.
It is my hope that this effort to honour Hilary’s precious (and too few) acts of presencing might offer a sliver of comfort to her grieving family and community. The impact of her death on those who loved her is made obvious in many ways, including that over five hundred people attended her funeral. As her mother and community have made clear, Hilary Bonnell will be forever loved, as she spirit dances on and beyond the turtle’s back, in perpetual acts of presencing.

Josephine L. Savarese is an Associate Professor in the Department of Criminology and Criminal Justice, St.  Thomas University in Fredericton,  New Brunswick. In the chapter, “Analyzing Erasures and Resistance Involving Indigenous Women in New Brunswick, Canada” (in Forever Loved: Exposing the Hidden Crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in Canada, Demeter 2016), she combines a focus on environmental justice and criminal justice in the examination of two Atlantic case studies on “missing” Indigenous women, from the homicide outlined in this text to the criminalization of a land defender. As she writes this blog, the lilacs are coming into bloom in New Brunswick.

Josephine can be reached at

[1] Eve Tuck “Respect and Risk: Chasing the benefits of research in Indigenous communities”,  November 13, 2014,
Marshall d'Avray Hall, Room 143, Faculty of Education, Colloquium Series.
[2] Edited by D. Memee Lavell-Harvard and Jennifer Brant.
[3] Digital Life Story of Hilary Bonnell, Native Women's Association of Canada, Youtube<> 
[4] Arbeiter Ring Pub. 2011.
[5] de Finney, S. (2014). “Under the shadow of empire: Indigenous Girls' presencing as decolonizing force”. Girlhood Studies, 7(1), 8-26.
[6] At 22.
[7] At 20.
[8] R v Bonnell, NBQB 289 para 10.
[9] De finney, supra, at 10.
[10] R v Bonnell, NBQB 376, para 6. 
[11] De Finney, supra, at 20.

Lessons from India on Sex-Selective Abortions?

Thursday, May 19, 2016


Sex-selective abortion has received some media attention recently because of a study that found some couples in Canada are practicing prenatal sex selection, that is, aborting female fetuses because of a preference for male children.[1] Related studies, published in the Canadian Medical Association Journal found a higher-than-expected ratio of boys to girls born to immigrants from India over the past two decades. Researchers linked this phenomenon to preceding abortions.[2] This gender imbalance was particularly striking among families that already had two daughters.[3]

This observation has prompted some to call for legislation banning sex-selective abortions.[4] While I lament the idea of a female fetus being aborted simply because of a desire to have a male child, I find it hard to restrict abortion for whatever reason in a country where feminists have fought hard for a woman’s right to control her body. There may be lessons that Canada can learn from India where sex-selective abortions have been legally prohibited since 1994.[5]  

In India, the fight for a woman’s right to abortion has never existed because abortion has been available since 1971 as a desired method of population control imposed by the Indian government. Indeed the Indian women’s movement has fought vigorously for a woman’s right to control her body, which has manifested itself in the right to be free from untested and dangerous contraceptive measures and unwanted sterilization. In spite of its notable achievements, the Indian women’s movement remains predominantly urban and middle class. Despite a certain degree of awareness of women’s internal differences as a group, the Indian feminist movement has assumed that the occurrence of patriarchy in all women’s lives has been experienced similarly. This resulted in a feminist campaign to legally prohibit sex-selective abortion that, in my view, seriously undermines the position of poor Indian women by insisting upon a broader project of feminine emancipation that has consistently obstructed and repressed their choices.[6] 

Poor Indian women and Indian feminists are not necessarily in agreement on all issues of empowerment. The distinction between caste and class privilege among women is a significant variance that obscures any single and clear route to a politics that is both liberatory and anti-patriarchal. In 1996, the government of India outlawed pre-natal sex determination tests making it illegal to advertise or perform these tests (with a few exceptions), and punishing doctors, relatives who encourage the tests and the woman herself with fines from ten to fifty thousand rupees (nearly two hundred to one thousand Canadian dollars) and jail terms from three to five years.[7]

Such legal measures have been shown to be mostly ineffective as the offence cannot be easily proven because the woman, her husband and other family members would not disclose the facts easily. The medical practitioner would similarly not co-operate in an investigation where s/he would also be prosecuted. The impact of such legislation has been the greatest on the poor. The rich can pay for discreet clinics and abortions, while poor women will either be forced to bear unwanted children or prenatal sex determination will be pushed underground. Indeed clinics have sprung up in working class areas and slums offering prenatal sex determination at “cut-rate prices” and playing on the fear of dowry with such slogans as “Better 500 rupees now than 500,000 later”.[8] Legal prohibition has had the negative effect of promoting prenatal sex testing as a justifiable form of profit making.  

Many Indian feminists view this restrictive legislation as an important and progressive strategy toward social change. A political implication that remains however, is that the law necessarily entails limiting a woman’s right to abortion, hence her ability to have control of her body.

Because Indian women are hailed and appreciated upon bearing male offspring, in choosing to abort female fetuses they are in fact, making the rational choice to protect their dignity and bodily integrity. Indian women are faced not only with intense emotional pressure and hostility from their in-laws to produce male offspring, but they are additionally threatened by the prospect of divorce, being thrown out of their homes or being beaten by their husbands if they produce yet another daughter or fail to conceive a son. Prenatal sex determination may for these women be the lesser of two evils. If Indian women have a found a solution, albeit temporary, to avoiding the immediate threat of physical harm, social disapproval and alienation, and they cannot be offered a safer and more fruitful alternative, why should they willing give up their right to imagine themselves as they see fit, with or without female children?  

The limited context of choice for poor Indian women, which leaves them few options for subversive action, may well justify the sex-selective abortion of female fetuses. This is not to suggest that the feminist position on the selective abortion of female fetuses is unjustifiable, but that the women’s movement must fundamentally revisit the method of its campaign against women’s oppression on this issue.

The key to preventing sex-selective abortion lies not in banning prenatal sex determination tests but in improving the status of women generally. What is critical is changing attitudes and the value of women in society. This is not a “law and order” problem, but a larger more difficult emancipatory project. We must utilize non-legislative methods of combating female feticide and improving women’s actual lived conditions, a strategy that entails empowering women through accessible health care and education, employment opportunities and social security. This would be more effective in battling age-old prejudices against young girls but would also not infringe upon women’s right to control their own bodies.

The kind of transformation that Indian feminists have sought, namely the revaluation of the feminine cannot be found merely in the law.[9] That kind of fundamental change must simultaneously be sought in alternatives to the legal discourse. Feminists must engage in a dialogue with their poorer sisters. To impose a legal ban that prohibits and punishes their actions is to ignore the nuances of class and to disregard the real life circumstances under which these women struggle.

Canadians may wish to consider the Indian experience before imposing heavy-handed restrictions that curtail a woman’s physical and mental security and do little to change deep-rooted beliefs. It is possible to be against the practice of female feticide because it preserves the devaluation of the feminine and not agree that women’s control over their bodies should be restricted. My proposal is not one of relativistic resignation; instead it proposes a challenge of politically convincing women not to abort their female fetuses while simultaneously accepting the decisions and rights of all women to control their own bodies.

Front line workers in Canada have already seen signs of shifting attitudes and behaviours. Ninu Kange of Mosaic, an immigrant and refugee settlement organization in Vancouver has found that the preference for male children decreases as families recognize that females have greater opportunities and are more empowered in Canadian society.[10] Other communities are proactively challenging male preference by for example, celebrating the Punjabi festival of Lohri, which is traditionally held by some in honour of the birth of a boy, for their daughters as well.[11] 

A narrow eye toward a broader vision of greater good may in fact unconsciously duplicate oppression. We must vigorously oppose the oppression and devaluation of women, but not in a way that thwarts women’s control of their own bodies.

[1] Despite a lack of conclusive Canadian figures, many health experts agree female feticide is a small, but serious, problem among some immigrant groups. Wendy Leung, “Some couples in Canada practising prenatal sex selection in favour of male fetuses, studies suggest” The Globe and Mail (11 April 2016), online: Globe and Mail <>.
[2] See Marcelo L. Urquia et al., “Sex ratios at birth after induced abortion” (2016) Canadian Medical Association Journal doi: 10.1503/cmaj.151074, online: CMAJ <>;
[3] Among Indian-born mothers, the proportion of males increased with the number of children born. By the third birth, 138 boys were born to Indian-born mothers for every 100 girls, and by the fourth birth, 166 boys were born to every 100 girls. Supra note 1.
[4] In-vitro sex selection is banned in Canada, but in utero or sex selective abortion is not. Dr. Rajendra Kale has stated that Canada should ban fetal sex disclosure to all pregnant women before seven months, when it is too late for an abortion. Michel Viatteau, “Keep sex of fetuses a secret to prevent selective abortion of girls: Canadian Medical Association Journal” National Post (16 Jan 2012), online: National Post <>.
[5] Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques Act, 1994, Parliament of India, Act No. 57 of 1994, 20 September 1994. The act was amended in 2003 to The Pre-Conception and Pre-Natal Diagnostic Techniques (Prohibition Of Sex Selection) Act to improve the regulation of the technology used in sex selection. It brought ultrasound and the technique of preconception sex selection within its ambit.
[6] Natasha Bakht, (Re)Producing Reproduction: The New Feminist Politics of Sex-Selective Abortions in India (MA Thesis, Queen’s University Political Studies, 1998) [unpublished].
[7] The criminalization of women in this context is particularly problematic as much of the evidence suggests that women are not necessarily the ones seeking sex-selective abortion, but may feel pressured to do so by their families. In India see for example: Odessa Gorman Stapleton, “Prohibiting Amniocentesis in India: A Solution to the Problem of Female Infanticide or a Problem to the Solution of Prenatal Diagnosis” (1990) 14 ILSA Journal of International Law 23. In Canada see, Shree Mulay supra note 1 and Interview of Kripa Sekhar, executive director of the South Asian Women’s Centre by Anna-Maria Tremonti (13 April 2016) on The Current, CBC Radio, Toronto, CBC Radio Archives, online: <>.
[8] The preference for sons in India is strongly linked to the practice of dowry, which enforces that daughters be seen as liabilities and sons viewed as assets. Though the giving of dowry has been legally forbidden since 1961, it is common knowledge that an economically crippling price is expected, frequently named and ruthlessly exacted from the parents of the bride with threats of violence to their daughter if it is not.
[9] The feminist movement in India has appreciated the potential role of the law in seeking a broad strategy for challenging the inferior position of women. Indeed the symbolic potential of the law in people’s lives has ensured that the issues of rape and dowry have become matters of public and political interest. However, this same approach when applied to the situation of sex-selective abortion results in a politically contradictory, philosophically incoherent and legally dangerous strategy.
[10] Supra note 1.  
[11] Interview of Simi Gill, found of Lohri for Her celebration by Anna-Maria Tremonti (13 April 2016) on The Current, CBC Radio, Toronto, CBC Radio Archives, online: <>.

#Jordansprinciple action tomorrow

Monday, May 9, 2016

As you know, on January 26th, 2016, the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal released a historic decision finding that the government of Canada was racially discriminating against 163 000 First Nations kids in its provision of child welfare services on reserves and in the Yukon. It also found that jurisdictional disputes between and within different levels of governments cause First Nations kids, like Jordan Anderson, to be denied or experience delays when seeking to access essential government services other Canadians take for granted and that this amounts to discrimination under the Canadian Human Rights Act. (You can read about Jordan's tragic story here) In its January 26 decision, the Tribunal ordered the government to cease discriminating against First Nations kids immediately. 

In a subsequent Doucet-Boudreau style order issued on April 26, 2016, the Tribunal reminded the government of Canada of its January 26 order and asked it to report back in two weeks - on May 10th - on what it has done to ensure that First Nations kids no longer experienced discrimination as a result of jurisdictional disputes. The Caring Society is organizing a campaign to mark this historic day. This Tuesday May 10, to commemorate Jordan's memory and support the implementation of Jordan's Principle, we ask you to Bear Witness by taking your favorite teddy bear to school or work. If you are on twitter or Facebook, please share your pictures of you and your bear using hashtag #Jordansprinciple If you aren't on social media, you can make a difference by telling your coworkers and colleagues about Jordan's Principle and sharing this email to help spread the word. 

Here is more information:

Thanks in advance for your support! It means the world to us! 

In solidarity, 

Anne Levesque

The Ghomeshi decision: Justice Horkin earns a C on this law school exam

Tuesday, May 3, 2016

The Ghomeshi decision:  Justice Horkin earns a C on this law school exam!

There has been much written about the impact of the decision in R v Ghomeshi  on the brave women who came forward in that case, on sexual assault complainants generally and on the attractiveness (or lack thereof) of a criminal justice response to the pervasive crime of sexual assault.  At uOttawa’s Faculty of Law I teach both Sexual Assault law and first year Criminal law.  I thought it useful to look at the written reasons for judgment by Justice Horkins and assess them not for their dire consequences for sexual assault law generally, but more specifically as reasons for judgment – reasons for HIS judgment.  How did he come to the decision he did?  He had much to say about the complainants’ credibility, but how specifically did their failings affect his legal analysis? This is in other words—“Criminal law 101” of sexual assault.  Assuming Jian Ghomeshi’s actions were the hypothetical in a first year law school exam, how would I grade the effort?

The only bits of law offered by the Judge are a definition of what makes an assault a “sexual assault” and a description of what constitutes reasonable doubt. 

No where in his judgment does he lay out the constituent pieces of what makes a “sexual assault”.  That is:

The Actus Reus:
-that there was touching of a sexual nature
-without the subjective consent of the complainant;

and the Mens Rea:
-that the accused intended to touch and did so knowing, or being reckless, or willfully blind to the complainant’s lack of consent.

These are the basic, core components of a sexual assault.  None were addressed in Judge Horkin’s set of reasons.  Let us first consider his approach to the Actus Reus of the crime:  the criminal act.  He seems to accept that the touching was, at face value, sexualized.  He never suggests outright that sexualized touching did not happen.  Therefore, the first step in establishing the criminal act of sexual assault is present.  But he never addresses whether in his mind the complainants’ (any of the three of them) were subjectively consenting to the touching.  He comes to no conclusion on whether the criminal act occurred (or not) because he does not consider the second part of the test. 

I assume—and it is not good when one has to make assumptions from a written set of reasons, but still, I assume that the Judge had reasonable doubt around the complainants’ subjective lack of consent to the touching.  That makes the most sense given his obsession with their post-incident conduct with Ghomeshi.  It is worth emphasizing that while many other instances of sexualized contact were referred to by the judge (and elicited from the complainants in cross-examination), the Judge should NOT have considered whether the complainant’s subsequent sexual contact (for example the “hand job” performed by complainant SD) had any bearing whatsoever on whether she consented to the subject-incident of the charge—ie. Whether Ghomeshi choked her while kissing her on a bench at a baseball diamond). 

If the judge had forced himself to stick to the incidents that were the subject of the charges, he should have directed his mind to the subjectivity of their consent to the specific allegations:

-that SD was choked while also being kissed on a bench at a baseball park
-that Lucy DeCoutere was choked and slapped after an “out of the blue” kiss
-that LR’s hair was yanked both in Ghomeshi’s car and on a different occasion she was punched in the head several times and pushed (Or pulled) to her knees at Ghomeshi’s home. 

Only once in the judgement does the Judge offer any opinion as to whether the complainants were credible on the specific descriptions they offered.    At paragraph 106 of his reasons, he reviews the description offered by SD, specifically illustrating her “lack of precision, in responding to a question about how long Ghomeshi’s hands were around her neck, she offered “Seconds, A few seconds, Ten seconds…It’s hard to know.”  To Judge Horkin’s this was damning “imprecision”. 

That is all that the Judge had to say in questioning the complainants’ specific descriptions of their assaults.  Does he doubt either that they had been struck or pushed or pulled; or does he doubt that they objected to it??  Does he have reasonable doubt that if they consented to this conduct, it did not therefore rise to a level of bodily harm that one cannot legally consent to?   We don’t know from this set of reasons.
All of them described that the acts happened suddenly, randomly, “out of the blue”, in a flash of rage—ie. In a context where they could not have been given a chance to object or consent.  The Judge does not address this issue.

I acknowledge that the entire set of reasons is ultimately based on the judge’s decision the women are liars.  The cumulative impact of the 24 pages is a devastating indictment of the woman as deceptive, insincere media hounds.  He thinks they are liars and so therefore, they could have lied about the attacks.  It is true that they could be women who have lied—haven’t we all.  But I think that it was incumbent on him to point to the lies they told about the specific allegations.  As far as I can tell, no one ever shook them from their stories of violence at the hands of Jian Ghomeshi.  Not even Marie Heinan was able to get them to recant the core allegations that formed the basis for the charges. This means that the actus reus of the charge should have been substantiated.  If it wasn’t, the Judge should have specifically raised his doubts about what elements of the violence he believes did not happen. 

It also concerns me that in discussing the flowers Lucy DeCoutere sent Ghomeshi, Judge Horkin’s admonishes that this was “clearly relevant and material information in the context of a sexual assault allegation”.   Relevance and materiality are at the core of a Court’s definition of admissible evidence.  How do we define these concepts in law?  
As follows:
Relevance: “does the evidence make a fact in issue more or less likely to be true?”
Materiality: is the evidence “directed at a matter in issue in the case?”

I think it is certainly legally debatable whether it is relevant and admissible to whether Lucy Decoutere was choked and slapped that she sent him flowers after the fact.  How do the flowers make the “fact at issue”—ie the choking or hitting, more or less likely to be true?  How does that go to her subjective consent to that act at the time such that it is material to the issue of actus reus?  But even if a good defence lawyer argued it, the Judge insists that Decoutere herself should have known the flowers were relevant and material (even as he acknowledges it might not be “unusual” behaviour to have sent them).  How could she be presumed to know about admissibility of evidence standards?  If it isn’t something he is willing to call “unusual” (which he is careful to avoid for fear of being accused of stereotyping victims), than how could she have known it was “relevant and material”. 

There are many other objectionable pieces in the judgment that I would have criticized in a law school exam—the focus on animus for example is disturbing and suggests the judge thought the women should not have hated Ghomeshi for what he did to them.  I find it odd that given the Judge’s obsession with the complainants’ post-incident conduct, he did not come to the opposite conclusion that animus proved Ghomeshi must have have assaulted them!  If after-the-fact they hated him that much, by the Judge’s reasoning, that should have been probative. 

I would also argue that had the judge come to the conclusion that the criminal act occurred—ie. that the elements of the actus reus were proven—he should then have turned his attention to the state of mind of the accused.  Did Ghomeshi know he did not have consent to hit, push and pull the complainants?  Did he take reasonable steps to ascertain whether the women were consenting to his violence?  And is it even possible, in law, for someone to consent to violence that causes bodily harm?  These are important legal questions that should have been answered in the set of reasons.   Justice Horkins is fuzzy enough in terms of Criminal law doctrine to have earned at best a C from me on a law school exam. 

Protecting Defenders of our Socio-Economic Rights

Monday, April 25, 2016

Cross-posted from the CBA's  The National

Last week, the Supreme Court of Canada heard an appeal relating to the contempt of court order made against the Quebec student activist, Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois. The legal dispute at issue arose in the context of the 2012 student protest which received international attention. Lead by two student groups, l’Association pour une solidarité syndicale étudiante and la Fédération étudiante collègiale du Québec with broad support from the general public, the movement commonly referred to the ‘’Printemps érable’’ (Maple Spring) was triggered by former Premier Jean Charest’s proposal to increase tuition by 75 per cent over the course of five years. Hundreds of thousands of Quebecers from across the province took to the streets, wearing le carré rouge and banging casseroles to protect what is widely regarded in the province as a fundamentally core value: universally accessible post-secondary education.

In the course of the protest, another university student, Jean-François Morasse, obtained an interlocutory injunction to enable him to cross the picket line and attend class. When asked to comment on the injunction during a television interview on RDI, Radio-Canda’s news network, Nadeau-Dubois expressed his disappointment regarding the judicialization of what he considered to be a political protest and stressed that students had the right to strike. The Quebec Superior Court found Nadeau-Dubois guilty of contempt of court since his statement could be taken as an invitation to disregard the court’s injunction and, accordingly, sentenced him to community service. The decision was overturned by the Quebec Court of Appeal which emphasized in obiter the importance of respecting the freedom of expression in accordance with both the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. This argument was again reiterated before the Supreme Court by the two intervenors that were granted leave to make oral submissions.
An added consideration in this case is Nadeau-Dubois’ particular legal status as a human rights defender. Under international law, all persons who act to promote or protect their own human rights or those of others ought to be accorded a heightened degree of protection from the State. To that end, there are specific international instruments and mechanisms aimed at protecting human rights defenders. By way of example, the 1998 UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders provides, amongst other things, that everyone has the right to freely publish and disseminate their views and information on human rights and fundamental freedoms. Moreover, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders works to ensure that States afford appropriate protections to human rights defenders. Regional human rights instruments, such as the European Union Guidelines on Human Rights Defenders, also urge States to ensure that those who act to promote and protect their human rights or those of others are supported by the State and free from harm.

In Canada and internationally, socio-economic rights are often seen as the ‘’poor cousin’’ of civil and political rights. But they are human rights and those who protect them deserve protection. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights provides that states must protect and promote everyone’s rights to education. States are also required to ensure that higher education is accessible to all and must work toward the progressive realisation of free secondary and post-secondary education. The Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has also commented that higher education must be culturally appropriate. In the context of a province in which the French speaking majority was largely excluded from post-secondary education for generations and the survival of the language depends on one’s ability to study in one’s mother tongue, the accessibility of higher education is all the more crucial. Though the demands made by the student movement in Quebec in 2012 were articulated as politician ones, they were in line with Canada’s international human rights obligations. As such, Nadeau-Dubois was a human rights defender and his case ought to be treated in accordance with relevant international human rights standards.

Canadian courts must play their part in ensuring that those who have the courage to speak out to protect our fundamental rights can do so freely, safely and without fear. This is not just an issue of concern for citizens living under repressive regimes. In recent years, many Canadians were shocked to learn that Dr Cindy Blackstock, an internationally respected children’s rights advocate who filed a human rights complaint against the government of Canada alleging that it was racially discriminating against First Nations children, was being spied on and monitored by nearly 200 government officials. While the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal found that Canada had retaliated against Dr Blackstock and awarded her 20 000$ in damages, it remains unclear whether the government surveillance continues to this day. Government officials and lawyers have refused all requests to confirm that the conduct has ceased.  Likewise, as the spokesperson for student movement in support of the right to accessible education, Nadeau-Dubois faced personal attacks, frequent death threats and cyber-bullying.

Canada can boast having some of the world’s strongest constitutional and legislative human rights protections. But those rights are weakened if we do not ensure that our union leaders, academics, feminists, Indigenous activists, students, environmentalists and other human rights defenders who seek to assert and advance human rights in Canada are appropriately protected. It is in through this lens that courts must see their duty to protect Nadeau-Dubois’ freedom of expression.  

Local Feminist Organisation: WISE

Friday, April 22, 2016


Helping to make communities

“Safer for Women, Safer for All!!”

Back in 1990, there were a series of sexual assaults reported in the downtown core of Ottawa.  Needless to say, this drew outrage and a deep concern regarding women’s safety.  It was determined that the issue of women’s safety required a political voice, so two university professors decided to form an Urban Safety Committee, and requested funding from the government to start a non-profit organization that would address the issue.

The organization was called Women’s Action Center Against Violence (WACAV), and the charity operated under that name for ten years.  Due to the fact that many women who contacted WACAV thought that it was a shelter for abused women, it was decided that a name change was in order, so Women’s Initiatives for Safer Environments (WISE) was born.

WISE is a small, dynamic, registered charity promoting women’s safety and working to prevent and end violence against women. WISE works directly with individuals, diverse communities, local government and agencies in order to create safer physical and social environments. WISE has two specific programs it offers the community:

A community safety audit, which includes attending a site; assessing safety issues; creating an action plan to address deficiencies and then following up with stakeholders to monitor and encourage implementation of recommendations.

Personal safety workshops – they provide women the opportunity to share their stories and learn a variety of safety strategies for different environments, and there is always a basic self-defense component at the end.
WISE also partners with different businesses and agencies, such as OC Transpo and the Ottawa Police/Crime Prevention Ottawa, in order to maintain safety standards and protocol for women.

In order for WISE to continue doing this very important work, the organization is taking part of this year’s Ottawa Race Weekend as a fundraising initiative. The funds raised will not only help to carry out regular services and programs, but also to provide enough funding to get new programs off the ground, such as a legal education workshop and an auto-mechanic workshop for women.  Potential runners (or walkers) are being sought so that their network of people (friends, family, coworkers, etc) can sponsor them during the race.  Donations can also be made directly to WISE by contacting, or through the racing website – simply google Scotiabank Charity Challenge-Run Ottawa, click on the Scotiabank Ottawa Marathon logo on the right hand side towards the bottom of the page, click on “Find a Charity” in the middle of the page, click on W under “Official Charities”, select WISE and click on donate.

We thank all runners and donors for their support, as WISE tries to make Ottawa “safer for women, safer for all”. 
Designed by Rachel Gold.